As only a little more than four months are left before the end of the Barack Obama administration, the United States is failing to exercise its international leadership in many cases. The inward-looking trend that has become all the more noticeable during the second term of the Obama administration may be taken over by the next administration, possibly making it difficult to expect U.S. support for Japan’s foreign and national security policies as a matter of course.
Unlikely TPP approval
     Symbolizing the Obama administration’s domestic and foreign policy deadlock is an indication that Congress is unlikely to approve the Trans-Pacific Partnership free trade agreement before Obama leaves the presidency. In late August, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell said he has no intent to put the TPP implementation bill to a vote within this year. His Republican Party commands a majority in Congress.
     The TPP is strategically significant for Japan and the United States to take leadership in developing a future economic order in the Asia Pacific region instead of rising China. Nevertheless, Democratic presidential nominee Hillary Clinton, who has gained an edge on her rival in the presidential race, has publicly declared, “I’ll oppose [TPP] as President” in a manner to accommodate domestic workers concerned about the trade deal. She thus shows lack of determination to take leadership in Asia.
     In the military field, three former Self-Defense Force officers sounded an alarm bell on changes in the U.S. “Air-Sea Battle” scheme on the October issue of the monthly Seiron magazine. The U.S. had devised the scheme to counter China’s anti-access/area denial strategy for preventing U.S. forces from intervening in disputes around China. The scheme had originally specified attacks on mainland China but has been changed to indicate a setback. I hope the changes do not indicate that the American inward-looking trend has spilled over to the U.S. military on the front of national defense.
China-Russia-Iran axis
     When we look beyond Asia, we can notice the Obama diplomacy has plunged into gridlock.
     The Middle East is now run by the two authoritarian countries of Russia and Iran. The Syrian government of President Bashar al-Assad, which had been on the brink of collapse amid a civil war, has recovered with support from Russia and Iran. The United States has given priority to a fight against the Islamic State radical group in Syria rather than the ouster of the Assad regime and is exploring tactical cooperation with Russia in the fight. Iraq, where the government is led by Shiite Muslims, has become an effective satellite state of Iran also dominated by Shiites.
     In Europe, two years after annexing Crimea of Ukraine, Russia is massing military forces along its border with Ukraine again, escalating tensions. In protest to the Crimea annexation, the Obama administration imposed economic sanctions on Russia along with the European Union. However, Obama has declined to provide defensive weapons to Ukraine, indicating a halfway approach on Russia.
     Russia and China plan to conduct a joint naval drill in the South China Sea in September, implying that Russia is sympathetic to China that has shrugged off a ruling by an international tribunal in July that denied China’s historical rights in the South China Sea.
     What are implications of vigorous movements by China, Russia and Iran in front of the inward-looking United States? Can Japan break into the great power politics and realize its national interests? Due risks accompany Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s diplomacy to improve relations with Russia to make a breakthrough on the Northern Territories issue.
Yasushi Tomiyama is Senior Fellow and Planning Committee Member at the Japan Institute for National Fundamentals.

 Tsutomu Nishioka
Tsutomu Nishioka Tadae Takubo
Tadae Takubo Fumio Ota
Fumio Ota Takashi Arimoto
Takashi Arimoto Yoshiko Sakurai
Yoshiko Sakurai Yoichi Shimada
Yoichi Shimada Masahiko Hosokawa
Masahiko Hosokawa Hiroshi Yuasa
Hiroshi Yuasa Tadashi Narabayashi
Tadashi Narabayashi Hideo Tamura
Hideo Tamura Kiyofumi Iwata
Kiyofumi Iwata Etsuro Honda
Etsuro Honda Kunio Orita
Kunio Orita Yujiro Oiwa
Yujiro Oiwa Hironobu Ishikawa
Hironobu Ishikawa Shiro Takahashi
Shiro Takahashi Katsuhiko Takaike
Katsuhiko Takaike Akira Momochi
Akira Momochi Maki Nakagawa
Maki Nakagawa Yoshihiko Yamada
Yoshihiko Yamada Akio Yaita
Akio Yaita Michio Ezaki
Michio Ezaki Seiji Kurosawa
Seiji Kurosawa Brahma Chellaney
Brahma Chellaney Nobuko Araki
Nobuko Araki James Auer
James Auer Yang Haiying
Yang Haiying Hiroshi Kimura
Hiroshi Kimura Sumihiko Kawamura
Sumihiko Kawamura Kenro Nagoshi
Kenro Nagoshi Takeshi Kudo
Takeshi Kudo Osamu Nishi
Osamu Nishi Koko Kato
Koko Kato Tadashi Saito
Tadashi Saito Shohei Umezawa
Shohei Umezawa Jason Morgan
Jason Morgan Arvind Gupta
Arvind Gupta Kichinosuke Ihara
Kichinosuke Ihara Hisashi Matsumoto
Hisashi Matsumoto Nobuyuki Sato
Nobuyuki Sato Sukehiro Hirakawa
Sukehiro Hirakawa Eriko Yamatani
Eriko Yamatani Koichi Furusho
Koichi Furusho Satoshi Hirano
Satoshi Hirano Lee Woo Young
Lee Woo Young Taro Yayama
Taro Yayama Tsutomu Toichi
Tsutomu Toichi Hideaki Karaki
Hideaki Karaki Andrii Gurenko
Andrii Gurenko Kazuhiko Inoue
Kazuhiko Inoue Katsutoshi Kawano
Katsutoshi Kawano Chung Dae Kyun
Chung Dae Kyun Toshio Watanabe
Toshio Watanabe Katsuya Tsukamoto
Katsuya Tsukamoto Kazuto Suzuki
Kazuto Suzuki Hirotaka Watanabe
Hirotaka Watanabe Akinaka Senzaki
Akinaka Senzaki Kevin Maher
Kevin Maher Yang Yi
Yang Yi Masanori Kondo
Masanori Kondo Hiroshi Ito
Hiroshi Ito Rupakjyoti Borah
Rupakjyoti Borah Seiichi Okutomi
Seiichi Okutomi Saburo Tsukamoto
Saburo Tsukamoto Yen-Hung Lin
Yen-Hung Lin Sanae Takaichi
Sanae Takaichi Haruhisa Nakagawa
Haruhisa Nakagawa Ryoichi Hamamoto
Ryoichi Hamamoto
