In their ongoing official campaigns for the triennial House of Councilors election on July 10, Japanese political parties have failed to clarify the priority order of campaign issues apparently for lack of understanding about a difficult position Japan is put in under the current international situations. Candidates are loudly shouting something without differentiating between national and personal crises. Remembering great powers’ terribly tense diplomacy over the Korean Peninsula on the eve of the first Sino-Japanese war in the late 19th century, former Japanese Foreign Minister Munemitsu Mutsu in his memoir said, “I still can’t but feel appalled and horrendous when thinking back to those days.” I am afraid few Japanese politicians may understand Mutsu’s feeling.
Japan facing the third revolutionary change
In his foreign policy briefing at a meeting with U.S. West Coast newspaper editors a half century ago, Henry Kissinger, then national security adviser to President Richard Nixon, said that Commodore Matthew Perry’s arrival in Japan in 1853 and Japan’s World War II defeat in 1945 brought about decisive changes to Japan’s national polity. Apart from whether Kissinger’s description of national polity changes was right or not, the Perry arrival and the World War II defeat undoubtedly led to the Meiji Restoration and the postwar regime that represented revolutionary changes.
At present, however, an international change that would trigger the third revolutionary change in Japan is about to come. Japan’s postwar safety has been supported by the Japan-U.S. security arrangements. The arrangements are undoubtedly becoming unstable, though falling short of collapsing suddenly. China has become powerful in political, economic, military, technological and all other sectors and confident that it could outdo the United States in the not-so-distant future. Russia that demonstrates “no-limits” solidarity with China has launched invasion into Ukraine, sharply confronting with so-called Western countries.
Constitutional amendments should be the top issue
If the United States had demonstrated its leadership as seen just after World War II or the collapse of the Soviet Union, no problem would have occurred. However, the U.S. has refrained from direct military intervention in Ukraine. Anticipating such U.S. attitude, Russian President Vladimir Putin launched invasion into Ukraine and resorted to nuclear threats. In response to such big change in international environment, Germany turned around its national security policy. In a manner to follow suit, Japan’s government under Prime Minister Fumio Kishida domestically and externally vowed to increase defense spending substantially with a goal of 2% of gross domestic product in five years. Both Japan and Germany have clarified their breakaway from the postwar concept of an economically powerful, lightly armed country.
Naturally, the top issue for House of Councilors election campaigns should be whether Japan should amend its constitution to restructure itself. Are there any candidates who have voiced opinions regarding the core of Japan’s national crisis? Has politicians’ patriotic performance to prioritize the nation over themselves lost popularity?
Tadae Takubo is Vice President, Japan Institute for National Fundamentals, and a professor emeritus at Kyorin University.


 Tsutomu Nishioka
Tsutomu Nishioka Fumio Ota
Fumio Ota Takashi Arimoto
Takashi Arimoto Yoshiko Sakurai
Yoshiko Sakurai Yasushi Tomiyama
Yasushi Tomiyama Yoichi Shimada
Yoichi Shimada Masahiko Hosokawa
Masahiko Hosokawa Hiroshi Yuasa
Hiroshi Yuasa Tadashi Narabayashi
Tadashi Narabayashi Hideo Tamura
Hideo Tamura Kiyofumi Iwata
Kiyofumi Iwata Etsuro Honda
Etsuro Honda Kunio Orita
Kunio Orita Yujiro Oiwa
Yujiro Oiwa Hironobu Ishikawa
Hironobu Ishikawa Shiro Takahashi
Shiro Takahashi Katsuhiko Takaike
Katsuhiko Takaike Akira Momochi
Akira Momochi Maki Nakagawa
Maki Nakagawa Yoshihiko Yamada
Yoshihiko Yamada Akio Yaita
Akio Yaita Michio Ezaki
Michio Ezaki Seiji Kurosawa
Seiji Kurosawa Brahma Chellaney
Brahma Chellaney Nobuko Araki
Nobuko Araki James Auer
James Auer Yang Haiying
Yang Haiying Hiroshi Kimura
Hiroshi Kimura Sumihiko Kawamura
Sumihiko Kawamura Kenro Nagoshi
Kenro Nagoshi Takeshi Kudo
Takeshi Kudo Osamu Nishi
Osamu Nishi Koko Kato
Koko Kato Tadashi Saito
Tadashi Saito Shohei Umezawa
Shohei Umezawa Jason Morgan
Jason Morgan Arvind Gupta
Arvind Gupta Kichinosuke Ihara
Kichinosuke Ihara Hisashi Matsumoto
Hisashi Matsumoto Nobuyuki Sato
Nobuyuki Sato Sukehiro Hirakawa
Sukehiro Hirakawa Eriko Yamatani
Eriko Yamatani Koichi Furusho
Koichi Furusho Satoshi Hirano
Satoshi Hirano Lee Woo Young
Lee Woo Young Taro Yayama
Taro Yayama Tsutomu Toichi
Tsutomu Toichi Hideaki Karaki
Hideaki Karaki Andrii Gurenko
Andrii Gurenko Kazuhiko Inoue
Kazuhiko Inoue Katsutoshi Kawano
Katsutoshi Kawano Chung Dae Kyun
Chung Dae Kyun Toshio Watanabe
Toshio Watanabe Katsuya Tsukamoto
Katsuya Tsukamoto Kazuto Suzuki
Kazuto Suzuki Hirotaka Watanabe
Hirotaka Watanabe Akinaka Senzaki
Akinaka Senzaki Kevin Maher
Kevin Maher Yang Yi
Yang Yi Masanori Kondo
Masanori Kondo Hiroshi Ito
Hiroshi Ito Rupakjyoti Borah
Rupakjyoti Borah Seiichi Okutomi
Seiichi Okutomi Saburo Tsukamoto
Saburo Tsukamoto Yen-Hung Lin
Yen-Hung Lin Sanae Takaichi
Sanae Takaichi Haruhisa Nakagawa
Haruhisa Nakagawa Ryoichi Hamamoto
Ryoichi Hamamoto
